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š¤Hereās Why
Ā 1ļøā£ The fight for the future of Hong Kong has become the worldās fight. 2ļøā£ To achieve this, Hong Kongers channeled street protests against encroaching Chinese influence into global politics. 3ļøā£ They built connections with politicians in the US and UK, and aligned their advocacy with geopolitical trends. 4ļøā£ Despite this momentum and its position as a global financial center, Hong Kong is likely to become a much more Chinese city. 5ļøā£ But the identity of Hong Kongers will become more global.
š The Details
1ļøā£ The fight for the future of Hong Kong has become the worldās fight.
The pro-democracy fight over Hong Kong has evolved at remarkable speed from a local protest movement to a global issue. A national security law, handed down by China on June 30, has pushed discussion of the cityās freedoms into the highest levels of government, and prompted a coordinated international response by some of the worldās most powerful nations.
The territory has been compared to Berlin during the Cold War. At stake is whether Hong Kong goes the way of East Berlinācompletely taken over by a Communist dictatorshipāor holds out, like West Berlin, as a free, if isolated, enclave in the shadow of an authoritarian power.
2ļøā£ To achieve this, Hong Kongers channeled street protests against encroaching Chinese influence into global politics.
In the years since the 2014 pro-democracy Umbrella Movement, when protesters occupied major roads to demand freer elections, Hong Kongers have learned to go beyond grabbing international headlines to transform attention from protests into tangible political influence. The dynamic is a symbiotic one: resistance on the ground builds more political momentum, which in turn fuels more protests. Sophisticated and well-connected grassroots lobbying groups, like the Washington-based Hong Kong Democracy Council, used that momentum to successfully push for measures to support Hong Kongers. These include the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, which US president Donald Trump signed into law last year.
3ļøā£ They built connections with politicians in the US and UK, and aligned their advocacy with geopolitical trends.
In the UK, activists faced an uphill battle with a Brexit government unenthusiastic about immigration, and keen to build closer ties with China. New advocacy groups like Hong Kong Watch and Stand With Hong Kong used both Britainās colonial pastāand a vision of its post-Brexit futureāto find allies.
4ļøā£ Despite this momentum and its position as a global financial center, Hong Kong is likely to become a much more Chinese city.
Amid the political upheaval, the share price of Hong Kong Exchanges & Clearings has soared, and the company has reclaimed its crown as the most valuable exchange operator in the world by market capitalization. The exchange is a surprise winner from the decoupling between the US and China. That resilience is a sign that China has the wherewithal to resist international pressure, and could undermine one of the key messages of the cityās pro-democracy protesters.
As Beijingās grip tightens on Hong Kong, itās clear that the city is running ahead of schedule in becoming less Western and more Chinese. The question is whether its recent success is a fleeting sugar high, and whether deeper structural factorsāfewer freedoms and changes to the rule of lawāwill erode Hong Kongās financial stature over time.
5ļøā£ But the identity of Hong Kongers will become more global.
Many Hong Kongers are forced, once more, to uproot themselves and go elsewhere as their city changes dramatically. They could go to Britain, which has offered millions the right to settleāor Canada, which was transformed by past waves of immigration the 1980s and 1990s, as Beijing cracked down on protesters and the handover loomed.
Many of the places where Hong Kongers will seek refuge this time will come to feel that Hong Kongās fate is somehow linked to their own.
Last month, the Hong Kong police force put out an arrest warrant for Samuel Chu, the founder of the Hong Kong Democracy Council and an American citizen for 25 years, over his lobbying work, accusing him of ācolluding with foreign forces.ā Chuās response to being made an international fugitive to explain, simply and elegantly, in the pages of the New York Times, that if an American citizen lobbying his own government can be targeted by China, then so can anyone. In other words: āWe are all Hong Kongers now.ā
šRead the field guide
āWe are all Hong Kongersā: How the Hong Kong protest movement became the worldās fight
The campaign for Hong Kongās freedoms has a new base: Britain
The US-China standoff is turning Hong Kong into a more valuableāand more Chineseāfinancial hub
Hong Kong is about to see a Tiananmen-era wave of migration
A timeline that explains whatās happening in Hong Kong
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